Land invasions and occupations have become a well-honed
practice in Latin America's cities. Curitiba, in southern
Brazil, provides a telling case of land occupation
where the poor organised themselves in the face of
stubborn official indifference to their claims.
About half way between Sao Paulo and Porto Alegre,
Curitiba is a thriving capital with a population of
1.7 million (3 million for the larger area). It has
made a name for itself with its well-organised public
transport system, innovative planning and sound management.
Curitiba's problem, as expressed by a State Government
Official, is that such state-of-the-art modernity
has left aside around 700,000 people, in 800 favelas,
or slums, and other informal settlements on the periphery,
where they huddle in appalling conditions. One local
leader of the National Movement for Housing Struggle
(MNLM) complains of lack of access to land, let alone
housing, lack of dialogue with city authorities, official
insensitivity and rough handling of the poor.
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"They could cut every
single flower, but they will not detain the Spring."
A popular way of spreading messages, this graffiti
is drawn on a wall in San Carlos de Bariloche,
Argentina. Photo © Justo N. Casal.
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In 2002, in reaction to their living conditions,
the MNLM decided to bring together, organise and train
a number of homeless people, many of whom had already
suffered violent evictions.
The result, a year later, was a dramatic Good Friday
24-hour city centre land occupation and public prayer
by meeting 80 families from three vilas. The
unusual event earned the participants some publicity,
as well as Church support. In the face of media indifference,
it resulted in what was called "a first victory
against oblivion" for the people.
Two months later, 80 people, from the same vilas,
and led by the MNLM, blocked a trunk road for a few
hours, sparking some interest from the press that
echoed their demands for the first time.
Another few days passed, and some 50 homeless families
occupied a derelict downtown bank building. "We
were fed up of occupying flooded river banks and be
forgotten for ever", said a leader of the group.
They agreed to a compromise with the authorities whereby
they gave up the building for a designated plot of
land on the periphery.
But two months later they were still waiting. One
night, they started building shacks on the promised
plot only to be forcibly removed by the Curitiba municipal
guards. Barracks were burnt, leaders severely beaten
and some of them threatened with death. Such violence
brought them renewed exposure in the press and more
public sympathy.
It took another month of intense discussions before
the parties came to an agreement on 3 October, 2003.
The Curitiba Municipal Government gave away a small
plot of land to share among the 50 families. They
were each given some US$2,000 for basic building and
infrastructure costs by a Federal Programme. Construction
was managed by the State Company, COHAPAR, jointly
with the families and the MNLM designed plans for
multi-storey housing that freed up space for other
activities.
In the meantime, the families have been given temporary
shelter in a university building - an action considered
inconceivable just nine months earlier.
A woman leader of the MNLM said they were able to
achieve a "first victory" because they had
started by selecting needy families determined to
stick together for the good of the group, and that
through information and training they had strengthened
this determination. She also cited good timing and
knowing when a step backward could ultimately lead
to a step forward. She added that slowly getting the
support from the poor and other members of the public
in Curitiba had been equally important.
This story highlights the manifold dimensions of
a land occupation, planned by and for the urban poor.
Occupation is primarily a mechanism to give the poor
immediate access to land or housing. However, beyond
this goal, it can be a tool to negotiate with the
authorities. Occupation can also earn the poor much-needed
attention, sympathy and support from public opinion,
grassroots movements and the media. Finally, occupation
can trigger a wider public debate on housing and urban
policies that had been lacking.
This was precisely the case in Curitiba, where occupations
finally gave rise to further cooperation rather than
entrenched antagonism between the poor and the three
tiers of government. The agreement signed among all
parties has all the ingredients for a future success
story. Although a lot remains to be done, and even
if the path is still narrow, the initial steps, the
most difficult ones by each side, were all in the
right direction.
Yves Cabannes is the Regional Coordinator of UN-HABITAT's
Urban Management Programme for Latin America and the
Caribbean.
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